The possibilities and parameters for resistance against authoritarian encroachment by a range of actors across society will be shaped by a variety of factors, including:

• The structure of the state and political institutions - more diffuse power may present more potential sites of active resistance;

• The independence of state institutions;

• The culture of institutional actors, including whether they see guardianship of the democratic system (and the rule of law) as part of their role;

• Existing freedoms of speech and association; and

• A culture and practice of protest.

Resistance against authoritarian takeover in a previously functional democracy - whether it is subtle or more overt - will always be time-sensitive. Experiences in states such as Poland, Slovakia or India have shown how quickly a democratic system can be captured by an authoritarian or illiberal leader/government. With each institution that is taken over or diminished in power, more pressure is placed on the remaining institutions - and the wider society - to hold the line and push back.

The short answer is no. While concerted action by state institutions such as the legislature, courts, and independent electoral, integrity and human rights agencies can act as ‘speed bumps’, they cannot withstand authoritarian takeover without strong and coordinated civil society and public action.

Even in a broadly functioning constitutional democracy tensions exist regarding the limits on the power of elected governments. Unelected institutions (e.g. courts) charged with ensuring the government respects the Constitution, the limits on its own powers, and individual rights are always in a difficult position. These tensions become more acute where an elected government acts in authoritarian manner, but the importance of guardrails also becomes more acute. Unelected actors engaged in resistance are often faced with the challenge o staying true to the Constitution while finding creative ways to rein in the government.

Resistance against a government seeking to subvert the democratic system can be partisan, principled or (more usually) a mixture. The common trick of budding autocrats is to portray all opposition and resistance as merely base partisanship, even (or especially) when it is rooted in principle and the law.

Some examples of resistance are provided below, and include:

• The resistance by the South Korean Congress, political parties, citizens and the military against President Yoon’s declaration of martial law in December 2024;

• The party-political and civil society opposition resistance to anti-democratic governments in Poland and India;

• Congress and courts’ reaction to attempted electoral subversion and an attempted coup d'état in Brazil in 2022;

• Public servants’ resistance to extreme measures under the first Trump presidency in the USA.